Over the past five years, Falun Gong practitioners and righteous people at home and abroad have made tireless efforts to help people know the truth about Falun Gong. Unfortunately, as of now, a good number of people are still fooled by the official Chinese propaganda. One of the important reasons for their being unable to realise the truth is that they lack a thorough, sufficient understanding of the Chinese Communist Party's (CCP) history of deception and its nature of using deception.
Ever since the CCP came to power in 1949, China has experienced incessant political movements, which caused countless wrong, unjust events and circumstances. With every political movement, in order to punish and threaten people, the CCP would always resort to its two major tactics: one is political autocratic power, the other is fabrication and lies. Between these two, the latter serves as a trailblazer and defender for the former. The skillfulness and proficiency of the CCP's deception is unmatched. All this is determined by the deceptive nature of the CCP. Whenever the CCP initiates a political campaign, rumours and lies are bound to be everywhere. Because the CCP is proficient at deception and has established a complete system of information blockade, many people are deceived in every political campaign. Once people have a clear understanding of this, they will come to comprehend when looking back at the plight of Falun Gong in China, that all of the propaganda by the Jiang's regime against Falun Gong was based on lies, and that it was inevitable for the Jiang Zemin regime to go to such lengths to defame Falun Gong.
I. "Classics" of the CCP's fabrication of lies in political movements
The CCP's rule in Mainland China has a legacy characterised by deception and lies.
From 1949 to the present, the CCP has waged and is still waging periodical, large-scale political movements. Every political movement resulted in a great number of injustices. In order to achieve its political goals, the CCP would put a variety of fabricated labels on the victims. It has been proven by facts that these labels were fabricated with lies, and none of them would hold water.
I will give several representative examples of the CCP's fabrication of lies.
1. The "Gao Gang and Rao Shushi's Anti-CCP Coalition"
In the "Gao Gang and Rao Shushi's anti-CCP Coalition" case, the CCP put two fabricated labels on Gao Gang and Rao Shushi. One was "anti-CCP"; the other was "spokesperson for the bourgeois class within the CCP." In the "Resolution on Gao Gang and Rao Shushi's anti-CCP Coalition" passed on the 31st of March, 1953, it was stated, "The conspiracy activities of Gao Gang and Rao Shushi's anti-CCP Coalition... were not accidental but rather had deep, historical as well as societal roots ... It was exactly under such circumstances that Gao Gang, Rao Shushi and others joined together in the anti-CCP Coalition and initiated attacks against the CCP Central Committee, particularly the Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee, in an attempt to overthrow the long-tested core leadership of the CCP Central Committee headed by comrade Mao Zedong, and to usurp the CCP leadership and our country. Their anti-CCP activities undoubtedly conformed to the wishes of counter-revolutionary imperialist and bourgeois elements. In reality, they have already become agents of the bourgeois class within our CCP."
Actually, Gao Gang and Rao Shushi were both founding members of the CCP's regime and had rendered meritorious service to the CCP. Gao Gang joined the CCP in 1926. In June 1945 he was appointed a member of the Seventh CCP Central Committee as well as a member of the Political Bureau of the CCP Central Committee. During the civil war [with the government under the Nationalist Party], he held the following positions: Deputy Secretary and Secretary of the Northeastern Bureau of the CCP Central Committee; Deputy Commissar of the Northeastern Democratic United Army; Commander of the Manchurian Military Force; The 1st Deputy Commander and Commissar of the Northeastern Military Force; Chairman of the Northeastern People's Government. In September 1949, at the first plenary session of Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, he was elected Vice Chairman of the People's Government of the People's Republic China and Vice Chairman of the Revolutionary Military Committee of the Central Government of China. Rao Shushi joined the CCP Youth League in 1923, and in 1925 he joined the CCP. In June 1945, he was elected member of the Seventh CCP Central Committee. Also in 1945, he assumed the position of commissar of the New Fourth Army and Shandong Military Force. In 1948, he took office as the Secretary General of the Eastern China Bureau of the Central CCP Committee and Commissar of the Eastern China Military Forces. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, he became a committee member of the Central People's Government and member of the People's Revolutionary and Military Committee; Chairman of the Eastern China Military and Political Committee; Secretary General of the Eastern China Bureau of the CCP Central Committee.
Although there has been no redress of the so-called "Gao Gang and Rao Shushi Anti-CCP Coalition" to date, many historians believe they were not an anti-CCP Coalition at all, but one of the factions often seen during internal political power struggles within the CCP. What they were opposing in their view was not the so-called "great CCP," but Liu Shaoqi and Zhou Enlai, the two CCP leaders who had historically held different political opinions from theirs and constantly had personal conflicts with them. As determined CCP members, they quite likely were not "agents of the bourgeois class within the CCP."
2. The "Hu Feng Counter-revolutionary Clique"
In the early summer of 1955, Mao Zedong personally asserted in his statement written for the People's Daily that Hu Feng and others were "a counter-revolutionary clique hidden inside the revolutionary camp," "This counter-revolutionary clique and its underground structure aim at overthrowing the People's Republic of China and resuming the reign of the imperialist Nationalist Party (Kuomintang)."
After the Cultural Revolution, the CCP Central Committee re-evaluated Hu Feng's case. In January 1979, Hu Feng was released from prison. In September 1980, the CCP Central Committee made the decision to annul the case of the "Hu Feng counter-revolutionary clique." In January 1986, the CCP Central Committee voided all false statements imposed on Hu Feng with regard to his political and historical issues. In June 1988, the Central CCP Committee redressed the issues concerning Hu Feng's standpoint in literary arts and his involvement in literary arts activities and
annulled the crimes of which he had been accused, such as individualism, idealism and sectarianism. From September 1980 to June 1988, the Central CCP Central Committee redressed Hu Feng's case three times and the lengthy process lasted seven years and nine months.
After Hu Feng's reputation was restored, people finally could see Hu Feng's original countenance. In reality, as early as the 1930s, Hu Feng joined the Japanese Communist Party in Japan and joined the left wing branch in Tokyo. After he returned to China he continued to engage in left wing literary works with Lu Xun. In the 1940s, he lived in Chongqing, a territory under the Kuomintang's reign at that time, where he had always been considered an important figure in advanced literary arts. He played a leading role in nation-wide literary work to condemn the invasion by the Japanese army and to support the Chinese army's fight against the Japanese invaders. He had close contacts with Zhou Enlai, Qiao Guanhua, Shao Quanlin and other important CCP members. After 1949, he whole-heartedly sang the praises of the CCP and Mao Zedong.
3. The "Bourgeois Rightists"
On April 27th, 1957, the CCP decided to have a rectification movement with the theme of "Correctly Managing the Internal Contradiction among the People," with the content aimed against Bureaucracy, Sectarianism and Subjectivism. The CCP called on people to offer the Party their suggestions and opinions. After the movement started, full of enthusiasm and reacting positively to the CCP's call, the general public, non-Party and Party members alike offered numerous beneficial and valuable suggestions and advice regarding the government's work and the CCP officials' styles of work. But, on May 15th, 1957, in his article entitled, "Things Are Beginning to Change," Mao Zedong reversed course. He told people to have a clear understanding regarding the situation of class struggle and to pay attention to the attacks from Rightists. On June 8th, the Central Committee of the CCP issued a document entitled, "Muster Our Forces to Repulse the Rightists' Wild Attacks." That same day, the People's Daily published a commentary entitled, "Why is this?" This commentary determined the nature of the so-called "Bourgeoisie Rightist" and pointed out, "Using the guise of helping the CCP to rectify things, a small number of rightists are challenging the leadership of the Communist Party and the working classes; they even clamour that the CCP should step down. They attempt to take this opportunity to overthrow the Communist Party and the working classes, to overthrow the great socialism and drag history back to the dictatorship by the bourgeoisie. Actually they want to go back to the semi-colonial status like before the revolution and put the Chinese people under the reactionary control of imperialism and its running dogs." From then on, the CCP started a large-scale, so-called anti-Rightists movement. In this movement, 450,000 CCP and non-CCP people who sincerely offered suggestions to CCP were branded "bourgeois rightist members."
After the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee of the CCP, most of the bourgeois rightist members were rehabilitated. Although the CCP still insisted at that time that "under the then circumstances, it was correct and necessary to repulse the small number of bourgeois rightists' attacks" and they did not completely negate the anti-rightists movement, it had to admit that they had made a serious mistake by largely exaggerating the situation. As a result, nearly 500,000 people were labelled rightists. These people were not at all against the CCP or socialism at the time; instead, they were "a large group of loyal CCP members, capable intellectuals, democratic Party friends who had long term cooperation with the CCP as well as politically immature young people -- they were sent to rural areas to be transformed through forced labour, which caused them to suffer severe physical and mental damage. They could not utilise their talent and abilities, which was a big loss to the Party and country."
4. The "Anti-Party Group of Peng Dehuai"
In 1958, Mao Zedong launched the Great Leap Forward campaign and established communes. The Central Committee of the CCP received exciting production reports from everywhere; it seemed the situation was great. But the realistic Marshal Peng Dehuai suspected what the true situation might be, so he went to local areas to inspect things for himself. When he went back to Wushi Town, his hometown, he walked for several miles along the field to count the rice stalks. He also checked with the farmers and found the local officials making fake reports about the output. The massive "steel campaign" produced only a little steel, but took all the manpower of the people's communes. Agricultural production was set aside, paddies were abandoned in the fields and became rotten. People even demolished their houses and felled a lot of the mountain forests to make fuel for steel production. Later, Peng Dehuai went to Mao Zedong's hometown in the Shaoshan commune. What he saw and heard was similar to the situation in the Wushi commune. Then Peng Dehuai went to Pingjiang County, where he had organised an uprising 30 years ago. He was very surprised to discover that the local officials had reported the higher output data in 1957 as the output for 1958, while the lower 1958 output data was reported as 1957's. They used this trick to "prove" the success of the communes. Peng said, "Concocting things like this is frightening!"
In July 1959, the CCP Central Committee held an extended Politburo meeting in Lushan (a mountain resort in Jiangxi Province). Many members of CCP Central Committee by then knew that the Great Leap Forward was not realistic. Famine and economic disasters began to appear in many local areas. If this mistake was not corrected immediately, it would cause severe consequences. But no one dared to tell this to Mao Zedong. Peng Dehuai spoke out frankly about this issue many times during group discussions, listing the examples of how local officials reported exaggerated output data and of the waste of the massive steel campaign. But the staff in group discussions took out the sharp phrases he used. For the sake of the Chinese people, Peng Dehuai did not want China to fall into disaster because of this Great Leap Forward movement. So, he wrote a private letter to Mao Zedong, hoping Mao would pay attention to the setbacks of the Great Leap Forward and rectify the mistakes in time. What he didn't expect was that Mao would fly into a rage over the letter. Mao extended the Lushan meeting and had the private letter printed and widely distributed to the attendees of the meeting for discussion. At the end, Mao launched a mass criticism against Peng and declared Peng Dehuai, Huang Kecheng, Zhang Wentian and Zhou Xiaozhou an "Anti-Party Group." In 1971, Mao Zedong further defined this as the 8th "ideological line-struggle" within the CCP. Peng Dehuai died as a result of persecution, and countless people were implicated.
In December 1978, during the 3rd Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, the conference investigated and corrected the wrong conclusion about Peng Dehuai and decided to award him rehabilitation. On December 24, a grand memorial service for Peng Dehuai was held in Beijing. The "hypocrite, careerist and schemer" was finally restored with the reputation as an "outstanding proletariat revolutionary, outstanding leader" and was praised and said to have, "deeply loved the Party, deeply loved the people," "battled bravely; straightforward and upright; uncorrupt and honest in performing his official duties; practised good self-discipline; cared for the populace and never considered personal loss and gain." People could not help but sigh with emotion: Peng Dehuai consistently conducted himself with the above mentioned merits for 40 years; how come those merits were only acknowledged four years after his death?
5. The "Traitor, Spy, and Renegade Liu Shaoqi"
The most famous person who was overthrown during one of China's political movements was former Chairman Liu Shaoqi. Liu was a CCP patriarch, one of those so-called "founding fathers" of the People's Republic of China. He joined the CCP in 1921 and had held many important positions in the CCP. He was Vice Chairman of the CCP and the Chairman of the P.R.C before the Cultural Revolution. In "An Investigative Report on the Crimes of the Traitor, Spy and Renegade Liu Shaoqi" issued during the 12th Plenary Session of the CCP's Eighth Central Committee, Liu Shaoqi was designated as "the leader of the inner-party reactionary revisionists group and the nation's biggest Capitalist-roader [one who took the road of capitalism] in power." The CCP also groundlessly labelled Liu Shaoqi as "Traitor, Spy and Renegade."
In February 1979, the CCP decided to re-investigate the case of Liu Shaoqi. The re-investigation overthrew all the charges levied against Liu during the Cultural Revolution. The CCP then restored Liu Shaoqi's reputation. The following are the main outcome of the investigation:
(1) The original investigation report stated: In November 1925, Liu Shaoqi "using recuperation as an excuse, absconded from Shanghai to Changsha without permission." In December, he was arrested by personnel from the Martial Law Headquarters in Changsha. Hunan warlord Zhao Hengti personally ordered his "execution by decapitation," thus forcing Liu to accept all the conditions to keep his life. "Liu surrendered to the enemy and betrayed the revolution." Later, Liu Shaoqi followed Zhao Hengti's decree, carried the Four Books Zhao Hengti gave him as a gift and headed to Guangzhou from Hunan. "With secretive motives, Liu infiltrated the Party again." According the investigation, Liu was arrested in the winter of 1925 at Changsha, but the allegations that he "absconded from Shanghai to Changsha without permission" and "surrendered to the enemy" didn't exist.
(2) The original investigation report claimed Liu Shaoqi pilfered the position of the General Sectary of the General Labour Union of Hubei Province in 1927, at the critical moment of the great revolution. Liu acted as a spy and sabotaged the labour movement. The listed imputations included: (a) After the "April 3rd" massacre, Liu safeguarded the Japanese invaders; (b) Colluded with Wang Jingwei, Chen Gongbo; Liu was appointed as 'Kuomintang Central Committee Labour Movement group leader.' He provided advice to the enemy to transfer the key persons from Wuhan Labour Union; dismissed the workers' pickets; (c) To conceal his spy status, Liu Shaoqi played a 'ruse of self-injury' by having himself arrested; (d) Before the 'July 15' event in Wuhan, Liu Shaoqi, following the order of Wang Jingwei, dodged into Mount Lushan and continued with his betrayal conduct." According to the reinvestigation, the above imputations were not consistent with the facts. They were either defamatory fabrications or fictional charges. None of them could stand.
(3) The original investigation report claimed that after being arrested at Fengtian Cotton Mill in Shenyang City on August 22nd, 1929, Liu Shaoqi confessed that he was the Party Sectary of the Manchuria Provincial Committee, and he betrayed other provincial party committee members and the respective party organisations. Liu also "enthusiastically provided advice to the ruling class," and was "highly appreciated" by Zhang Xueliang for what he did. He was thus released. Because of the information Liu provided to the enemy, "the CCP organisations were severely damaged. Many party members were arrested and killed." The original investigation report also claimed that Liu followed the enemy's orders, utilised the Mid-east Railroad Incident for anti-Soviet and anti-CCP purposes, etc. After re-investigation, all those charges were found to have been fabricated.
II. The Four Fabrication Methods the CCP Has Commonly Used
Looking back at all the political movements in China since 1949, one can say the CCP has resorted to every conceivable means to deceive people and is the most skillful fabricator and has utilised all methods of deception to the extreme. The following are the several methods of fabrication the CCP has most often used to deceive people
1. Distort the facts and twist the truth through subjective conjectures
Prior to Mao Zedong, leaders in the literary and arts circles had concluded that the Hu Feng issue was no more than "a clique of factionalism." On April 13th, 1955, Shu Wu, one of Hu Feng's friends in old days, handed in some of the personal letters that Hu Feng had written to him. These letters, after rearrangement, were soon handed to Mao Zedong for his review. After reading these letters, Mao, with one stroke of his pen and without any further investigation, upgraded the Hu Feng issue to be "a counter-revolutionary clique." On May 13th, 14th and June 10th, 1955 the People's Daily carried three parts of "Materials about Hu Feng's Counter-revolutionary Clique." The materials were mainly letters between Hu Feng and his friends. They were either confiscated during house searches or handed in voluntarily by some friends. Mao read them one by one and compiled them together with his personal comments. The comments constituted a classic example of Mao distorting the facts and twisting the truth by personal subjective conjectures and imposing them on others.
For example, on May 13th, 1944, Lu Yuan in Chongqing City wrote a letter to Hu Feng saying, "I have been transferred to the Sino-American Cooperation Centre, which is located at Ciqikou. I'm going to report to work there on the 15th. So I will not go to the Aviation Committee.
There are many Americans here. I may have adjusted my life a little. It seems I have truly started to live as a human. It is really difficult to live in the society. Just as you had said, 'Going into the battle without disguise is not our tactic. In future, I feel that I should learn some of the 'dark cleverness.' What I am afraid of is only myself."
Regarding this content, Mao wrote down his comment, "Lu Yuan was 'transferred' to the 'Sino-American Cooperative Centre' in May 1944. The 'Sino-American Cooperative Centre' was the short name for the 'Sino-American Cooperative Centre of Special Technology,' which was a dark and gruesome secret service agency that the American imperialists and Chiang Kai-shek's National Party had jointly established for the U.S. to train and dispatch secret agents for themselves and for Chaing Kai-shek and to directly carry out terrorist activities. It became infamous for its role in cruelly torturing and slaughtering Communist Party members and progressive individuals. Who could have transferred Lu Yuan to this secret service agency? What kind of people could have been transferred by a secret service agency? This is self-evident." Lu Yuan was thus determined to be "a secret agent" on this basis.
However, the fact was: While Lu Yuan was studying in the Department of Foreign Languages at Fudan University, he was admitted to the interpreter-training class in his department. Upon graduation, he was assigned to work in the Sino-American Cooperative Centre. Lu Yun was shocked and felt distressed, so he wrote to Hu Feng. Hu Feng wrote him a reply letter straight away, saying that Lu should not go to that place, no matter what. After receiving the letter, Lu escaped into exile, changed his name and then settled down in a middle school in Yuechi County.
2. Fabricating false statements and materials by extorting confessions through torture
The unwarranted charge of the so-called "traitor, spy and renegade Liu Shaoqi" was created by this method.
After the Cultural Revolution began, the CCP established a special team to investigate Liu Shaoqi's case. Even before the investigation started, Wu Zhong, leader of the special investigation team, had set the framework and the tone, that the investigation would show that Liu was "a traitor." He said, "The investigation of Liu Shaoqi's crimes is an extremely important strategic task. There is no doubt that Liu has committed crimes. It is just a matter of whether or not his crimes can be proven through our investigation. Whether or not he has committed crimes itself is not the issue!" In terms of the methods to be used during the investigation, he clearly put forward, "It needs to be done through struggle," "use political struggle as the main guideline, and at the same time certain measures should also be taken, such as public criticising and denouncing meetings and applying small-scale dictatorship on him, etc."
According to this guiding strategy, the special investigation team used a variety of means to threaten the "witnesses." After the special investigation team failed to get what they wanted by means of external investigation, they resorted to detention by isolation, deprivation of personal freedom, putting the witnesses under surveillance and exerting pressure on them. The witnesses were subjected to repeated interrogations and threats until they finally surrendered and agreed to say whatever they were told to say and testify whatever they were told to testify. The special investigation team would not stop before its goals were achieved and the means they adopted were vicious on an unprecedented scale.
Under the pressure and threats from the special investigation team, some witnesses, such as Jia Wenqi, Dong Ren, Xiong Shoucheng and Guan Qingyun tried to commit suicide but none of them succeeded. Some took pills, jumped off the building or cut their throat with a razor blade.
At 5:00 a.m. on December 13th, 1967, in the chill winter morning light, a person who was detained in the isolation class set up in the guest-house of the police department suddenly slashed his own throat with a razor blade. Immediately he was dripping with blood. This person was Guan Qingyun, who had worked as the acting section head in Fengtian Province Police Department in the past. After the special investigation team failed to get what they wanted after they interrogated Guan in his home over a dozen times, they arrested him and put him in detention. After many interrogations, the special investigation team still could not get a satisfactory statement from Guan. Under such excessive pressure, Guan could not withstand it any more, so he chose to die to end his suffering. Guan's life was saved following emergency treatment; however, before Guan recovered from the injury, the interrogations resumed. Following instructions from the director of the investigation office, the investigation team changed their tactics by first telling Guan the so-called details of the case that happened in 1929, and then asked Guan to make a "confession" accordingly. Guan was left with no alternative under the high pressure; he was not allowed even to die. Finally he said, "As long as the person in power who is taking the capitalist road can be brought down, I will testify, even though it means that I have to sacrifice myself." A testimony was thus fabricated, with a detailed account of how Liu Shaoqi became a traitor after his arrest and how he betrayed the CCP organisations and fellow comrades, causing the arrest of many Communist Party members.
3. Twisting the facts and shifting blame on innocent people
During the June 4th massacre in 1989, some soldiers were killed by other soldiers accidentally, but the CCP blamed their deaths on "rioters" to incite hatred for students. Many so-called "violent crimes" committed by students were fabricated this way.
According to insider information, a soldier named Chen, who was later awarded the Honor of "Republican Guard," was a propaganda officer in the army. On May 22nd, 1989, while he was sitting on the back of a truck waving to the students, his truck suddenly took off. Mr. Chen was thrown from the truck and died. Quite a few newspapers at that time carried short news of the accident. Two days later however, the Central Military Committee suddenly awarded Chen the Honor of "Republican Guard." He became the 1st honoured "Guard" in the June 4th Incident. Then the People's Liberation Army (PLA) Newspaper started to claim that he was pushed under the truck by the crowd.
According to Mr. Li Xiaoming, former lieutenant of a Radar Station in the PLA 39th Troop, currently a student in Australia, a soldier in his anti-aircraft artillery regiment was named a martyr. The newspaper said he was killed by Beijing citizens. In reality, he was killed accidentally by a fellow soldier who was cleaning his gun. The regiment officers lied about the facts to cover up their own error and to protect the soldier. They reported that he was killed by "rioters." Li Xiaoming said, "They wrote in the report that the rioters opened fire and killed this soldier. But this is not true at all. He was killed by accident. Someone touched the trigger when cleaning his gun."
4. Taking words out of context; cooking up charges
The case of "Ge Peiqi wanted to kill Communists" during the 1957 Anti-Rightists Campaign was a typical example of this method.
On May 24th, 1957, the CCP Committee of the People's University of China organised an open discussion for non-Party members. Mr. Ge Peiqi, a lecturer in the Industrial Economics Department, who was invited to attend the discussion, offered the Party Committee some criticism. He suggested that the party members should stay engaged with the people and they should not look down on non-Party intellectuals. Communist leaders should not enjoy special privileges in daily life, and Communists should overcome subjectivism, factionalism and bureaucracy. He sincerely offered his opinions and explained the principle that "water can carry the boat; it can also sink the boat."
On May 26th, the Beijing Daily reported Ge Peiqi's speech. But the next day (May 27), Ge Peiqi was shocked to read a report in the People's University Weekly, in which he was quoted as saying, "Do not mistrust us intellectuals. If you do a good job, it is OK. If you don't do well, then the people can bring you down and kill the Communists. They can overthrow your rule. It is not that they don't love China; it is because the Communists don't serve the people." The words were quoted out of context and fabricated. The furious Ge Peiqi went to see the university president and deputy Party secretary Nie Zhen. Pointing at the article Ge said, "Isn't this framing me?" Nie Zhen said, "Comrade Ge Peiqi, don't be so emotional. The Party is always seeking the truth from facts. If it is wrong; we can correct the mistake."
But the mistake was never corrected. On the contrary, it was magnified. As a result, even before June 8th, 1957, when the CCP launched the "Counter Attack Rightists' Rampant Assault," the campaign already began to "criticise and expose" Ge Peiqi.
On June 8th, 1957, under Mao Zedong's instruction, the People's Daily published an editorial "Why is this?" marking the beginning of the "Counter Attack the Rightists' Rampant Assault Campaign." The criticism and denunciation of Ge Peiqi escalated. Instigated by the mouthpiece of the CCP -- the People's Daily, newspapers throughout China quickly set off to a climax to attack Ge Peiqi and his plan "to kill the Communists." As a result, Ge Peiqi became No.1 anti-Communism enemy. He was thus labelled an "extreme rightist element."
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